Combinatory Categorial Grammar
نویسندگان
چکیده
Categorial Grammar (CG, Ajdukiewicz 1935; Bar-Hillel 1953) is one of the oldest lexicalized grammar formalisms, in which all grammatical constituents are distinguished by a syntactic type identifying them as either a function from arguments of one type to results of another, or as an argument. Such types, or categories, are transparently related to to the semantic type of the linguistic expression itself, differing mainly in the inclusion of information about language-specific linear order. The earliest forms of CG were immediately recognized as being contextfree and weakly equivalent to context-free phrase-structure grammars (CFPSG, Bar-Hillel, Gaifman and Shamir 1964). Soon after their elaboration by BarHillel, Lambek (1958) cast CG as a logical calculus, which was also widely (and correctly) assumed to be context-free, although the actual proof—due to Pentus (1993)—was much harder to discover.1 The early evidence of weak equivalence to CFPSG led to a partial eclipse of CG in the 1960’s. However, interest in CG on the part of syntacticians and computational linguists began to revive in the late 1970’s and early 1980’s. One reason for this revival came from contemporary developments in formalizing a type-driven semantics for natural language in the work of Richard Montague (1974) and his followers (see Partee 1976), which made the syntactic/semantic type-transparency of CG attractive. Another reason was the realization that transformational generative grammar was overly expressive (Peters and Ritchie 1973), leading to a search for more minimal extensions of contextfree core grammars of various kinds (e.g. Gazdar 1981), including CG (e.g. Karlgren 1974, Landsbergen 1982). Some early extensions to CG were “combinatory” in nature, extending the core CG with functional operations on adjacent categories, such as “wrap” (Bach 1979; Dowty 1979), functional composition (Ades and Steedman 1982), type-raising (Steedman 1985), and substitution (Szabolcsi 1989). These develSee also Pentus 2003. The source of this difficulty is the essential use of an axiom schema in the definition of the Lambek calculus.
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تاریخ انتشار 2007